“The Northern Catholic”, John Hume’s 1964 Irish Times Articles

Note – the full text of the articles can be found here.

– A Northern Catholic

In May 1964, John Hume (then a 27 year old teacher) wrote two articles for the Irish Times. The articles provide a remarkably clear and far-sighted outline on what would become Hume’s thinking in the years and decades to follow.  Namely that nationalists should accept the constitutional position and work within Northern Ireland to improve the lot of all its citizens. The aspiration of a United Ireland is ambiguous and appears secondary. If re-unification is to occur, it requires the consent of Unionists through constitutional means. Violence should be discounted. Later Hume would further his design with rhetoric of an “agreed Ireland” between the “two-traditions”.

-A revision of Irish Nationalism?

For some of Hume’s advocates this represents a modernization or “revision” of Irish Nationalism; away from the traditional interpretation, defined by John Whyte as: (1) the people of Ireland form one nation; and (2) the fault for keeping Ireland divided lies with Britain. P.J. McLoughlin claims Hume helped revise Irish Nationalism, at least with point (2). Hume saw partition as an indigenous issue, caused by a division of people not territory or England’s influence. However it’s difficult to claim he revised point (1). Hume was reluctant to see Ireland having two peoples or nations – instead the island had ‘two traditions’. So the revision was partial, though of course a complete revision of traditional nationalism would probably make it Unionism! As detailed in McLoughlin’s book, Hume would often return to the ideas expressed in the Irish Times articles, providing an early example of ‘Humespeak’. For example, the article’s latter paragraphs mirror the preamble of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. [1]

This thesis has its opponents. Cillian McGrattan is critical of hero-worship and easy narratives afforded to Hume [2]. Nationalism under Hume’s leadership is at best described as neo-Nationalism. Many in Unionism would be expected to see Hume’s career in a more partisan and even sectarian light. Picturing Hume’s real objective as uniting Ireland by ‘lancing the boil’ of Unionism [3]. Certainly in the period before Sunningdale, Hume would neglect the conciliatory tones articulated earlier in favor of what was essentially traditional nationalism. Indeed although in his articles Hume wanted to work in Stormont, he played a big role in  the SDLP withdrawal from the parliament in 1971, after there was no inquiry into the shooting of two men in Derry [4]. McLoughlin explains this misstep was because Hume and the SDLP misread Nationalists’ victories on civil rights and toppling of Stormont as Unionists’ weakness. A United Ireland was therefore seen as realistic. Arguably it illustrated Hume’s real aims and justified unionists’ profound distrust, a sentiment that became most feverish during the Hume-Adams talks. Initial history has been kind to Hume, yet it’s possible his long-term legacy will more be contested.

-Context

The ideas expressed by Hume in 1964 were not new. Challenges to the nationalist consensus on partition were articulated by a few, such as Ernest Blythe, Donal Barrington, Michael McKeown and Desmond Fennell (the latter’s thinking is complex, but he did write a series of articles in 1959 titled “The Northern Catholic” for the Irish Times, which Hume likely knew of) [5]. In Northern Ireland, criticisms, focused on the Nationalist Party. Frustration with their leadership gave rise to the National Unity group and then a party, the Nationalist Democratic Party. Austin Currie became an Nationalist Party MP in 1964, and internally agitated for change. Hume joined the Nationalist Party in the same year, but left a year later. In local branch meetings he urged a new vision for the party, once asking members to examine why it was that ‘Only a few of his generation were present” [6]. Faced with mounting disquiet over his party’s direction, Cahir Healy (then an 84 years old veteran MP) claimed that it was “difficult to find places for all the clever, aspiring young men who are hammering at our door” [7].

-The Articles

While reporting on Northern Ireland, Michael Viney met Hume in Derry [8]. Impressed, he suggested to the new Irish Times editor, Douglas Gadeby, that Hume be commissioned for an article. Under Gadeby, the newspaper increasingly covered the North, particularly the plight of the minority. The sympathetic coverage caused conflict with the paper’s Unionist owners – infamously with Major Tom McDowell, the director and later chairman, asking British officials if this was proper and calling Gadeby a “white n*****”. Nevertheless, the articles gave Hume prominence in the South, and helped form a relationship with Gadeby that would be politically beneficial for Hume throughout the Troubles. Despite the prominence given to the articles in retrospect, there were only two letters to the editor about it published. One was from Brian Friel, then also a teacher living in Derry. Writing in June 1964 he was both approving and critical of the Hume and Viney articles. Though approving of Hume’s message of “no real unity in Ireland until both sides come together”, he lamented that the issue of discrimination was not covered in more detail. Before listing a number of grievances, Friel wrote: “Meanwhile, however, you are calling for more than heroic patience from ordinary people who live in places like Derry”. In the summer of 1964 the playwright was as prescient as the politician.

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[1] Much of this paragraph is derived from, P.J. McLoughlin, “John Hume and the revision of Irish nationalism”.

[2] Cillian McGrattan, “Memory, Politics and Identity”, Chapter 6.

[3] McGrattan, pg 196. Hume predicted that the Anglo-Irish Agreemend would “Lance the unionist boil” and force unionists into negotiations with nationalists. The other common slogan used against Hume is “It’s a united Ireland or nothing”. As McLoughlin (page 26) points out, this is taken out of context. After Bloody Sunday, Hume was interviewed by RTE, where he stated (pointing to the Bogside) “Many people down there feel now that it’s a united Ireland of nothing.” The context of violence and radicalization in Catholic communities (no less in Hume’s constituency) would obviously partly explain why the SDLP became more ‘green’ in the early 70s.

[4] BBC report on the killings.

[5] McLoughlin, pg 10-11 ; John Whyte, ‘Interpreting Northern Ireland’, pg 119-120. .

[6] Brendan Lynn, “Holding the Ground: The Nationalist Party in Northern Ireland, 1954-72”, pg. 184.

[7] Bob Purdie, “Politics in the Streets“, pg 51.

[8] This paragraph comes from Dan Keenan’s article in the Irish Times, April 2014: “Hume’s 1964 Irish Times Articles Helped Redefine Nationalist Attitudes to North”

[9] Letters to the Editor: “Discrimination in Derry”, Irish Times, June 29 1964, pg 7.